Poland
Basic Facts about the Country
Membership of the European Union
1 May 2004
Membership of the Council of Europe
26 November 1991
Entry into force of the European Convention on Human Rights
19 January 1993
Basic Facts about the Judiciary
Budget per inhabitant
€ 50.65 (2020 data) European Commission for the Efficiency of Justice (CEPEJ)
Overall number of judges
Number of professional judges per 100,000 inhabitants
25.23
Tiers in the Regular Court system
3
District Courts
318
Regional Courts
47
Appeals Courts
11
Supreme Court
1
Provincial Administrative Courts
16
Supreme Administrative Court
1
Constitutional Tribunal
Yes
- Fifteen judges are elected by Sejm (the lower house of the Parliament), based on the proposals by members of Sejm, and sworn in by the president for a non-renewable term of nine years.
- The president of the Tribunal is elected by judges, from among themselves, for a term of six years
Public Prosecution
- Headed by the Prosecutor General who is, ex lege, the Minister of Justice
- Highly hierarchical, with a significant possibility for individual prosecutors to be influenced or directed by their superiors
Judicial Governance
Type of governance system
National Council of the Judiciary
- Twenty-five members, including 15 judges elected by the Sejm; four MPs, elected by Sejm; two Senators, elected by Senate (the upper house of the parliament); one representative of the president of Poland, appointed by the president; the first president of the Supreme Court; the president of the Supreme Administrative Court; and the minister of justice
- Membership is paid
- The term of office is six years for judges, equal to the term of the parliament (four years unless dissolved earlier) for MPs and Senators, and linked to their term in office for ex officio members. The representative of the president has no fixed term.
- The Council president and vice president are elected by secret ballot from among the body’s members, needing a simple majority of votes.
Court Presidents
- Regular courts: appointed by the minister of justice
- Supreme Administrative Court: appointed by the president, from two recommendations made by the assembly of the judges of the Court
- Supreme Court: appointed by the president, from five recommendations made by the assembly of the judges of the Court
- Constitutional Tribunal: appointed by the president, from recommendations made by the assembly of the judges of the Tribunal
Judicial Assemblies
- Exist on all levels of courts, composed of all judges of the given court
National School of Judiciary and Prosecution
- Director of the school appointed by the minister of justice
Disciplinary Courts
- Regular Courts: disciplinary panels of judges appointed by the minister of justice and attached to Appellate Courts as the first instance of disciplinary proceedings and to the Professional Liability Chamber at the Supreme Court as the second instance
- Administrative Court: the Supreme Administrative Court in the first and second instance
- Supreme Court: the Professional Liability Chamber at the Supreme Court as the first and second instance
- Constitutional Tribunal: Panel of Constitutional Tribunal Judges
Distribution of Responsibility
- Selecting and recommending candidates for judicial positions and promotions
- Professional evaluation of judges
- Reassignment of judges to other posts
- Adopting ethical rules and supervising compliance
- Commenting on legislative drafts, including on the budget and other legal acts
- Appoints presidents of regular courts
- Dismisses presidents of regular courts after consultation with the respective judicial assembly
- Appoints disciplinary spokespersons
- May request the initiation of disciplinary proceedings
- May temporarily suspend a judge in case of allegations of misconduct or crime
- Prepares the budget for the judiciary (which is then adopted by the parliament)
- Financial management of the judiciary
- Appoints the director of the National School of the Judiciary and Prosecution (the Council can express an opinion)
- Appoints and promotes judges
- Appoints court presidents in top courts
- Represent their courts externally
- May request the initiation of disciplinary proceedings
- Handle the day-to-day operations of their courts
- Advisory bodies
- Hear cases on stripping judicial immunity from judges accused of committing crimes
- Hear cases on disciplinary liability of judges (first and second instance)
- May suspend a judge from office if warranted by the nature of charges against them
- Trains candidates to be judges and prosecutors
- Completion of the judicial training at the school, followed by a successful judicial exam, are requirements for appointment as a judge.
Challenges
Following the 2023 parliamentary elections, which led to a change of power in Poland, the new government, led by Prime Minister Donald Tusk, along with Minister of Justice Adam Bodnar, vowed to conduct a deep reform of the judiciary in Poland, aimed at two goals: repairing the damage to the rule of law caused during the eight-year rule of the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party, and improving the condition of the Polish courts. These reforms are being contested, however, as President Andrzej Duda, a former member of PiS, wielding the power of legislative veto, and the politically captured Constitutional Tribunal are both posed to stymie these efforts. Within a highly polarised political landscape, there is a very low chance of cross-party agreement reforming the courts. Furthermore, Poland is under external pressure to implement rule-of-law-related reforms, with the European Commission withholding 36 billion EUR of Poland’s Recovery and Resilience Facility, the European Union’s COVID-19 recovery fund, over rule of law concerns, and multiple unimplemented judgments of both the CJEU and ECtHR requiring urgent work on enforcing them in practice.
The majority of members of the National Council of the Judiciary are judges appointed solely with the votes of the previous ruling coalition in the Parliament, following a 2018 reform that effectively reset the Council, terminating the terms of sitting members early and introducing a new model of appointing the judges to the Council by the Parliament. These judges are widely seen as placing the political interests of their backing party over the actual independence and integrity of the judiciary. The activities of the Council since its 2018 reform have led, first, to the suspension and then to the expulsion of the Council from the European Network of National Councils of the Judiciary. The ECtHR and CJEU have both concluded that the judicial appointments to the Supreme Court on recommendation from the Council of the Judiciary lead to breaches of the European Convention on Human Rights and EU law. The Council has participated in over 2,200 judicial promotions and appointments where its recommendation was decisive. These include over 2,000 judges of regular courts and over 50 judges of the Supreme Court of Poland.
The combination of court-packing and the chilling effect of attacks and dismissals on judges is bound to contribute to judges’ vulnerability to external pressures and adversely affect their independence and impartiality. Remaining independent in this “atmosphere of fear” has emerged as a key concern for many judges.
In 2018, a reform of the appointment system for regular court presidents and vice-presidents allowed the minister of justice to dismiss incumbents and appoint new people. Several of these appointees have been involved in harassment and attacks on judges critical of the government and have failed to react to blatant infringements on judicial independence by the executive.
Following the 2023 parliamentary election, the new government undertook to repair the rule of law in the country, a process that will be complicated by the presence of the Constitutional Tribunal (see below) and of President Andrzej Duda, who is hostile to the idea of reforming the judiciary and unmaking the changes that he himself endorsed. Polish civil society has proposed various concepts for dealing with the National Council of the Judiciary and judges appointed on recommendations passed by the Council. These range from proposing to dismiss all the judges-members of the Council and returning all judges promoted since 2018 to their previous posts, to reforming the entire composition of the Council and carrying out a staggered vetting procedure by the reformed Council towards all “new” judges. In January 2024, the Ministry of Justice released a draft law on the National Council of the Judiciary, proposing to reform its composition and return to having the judges-members of the Council elected by their peers.
During the years 2015-2023, the government engaged in a campaign of attacks and harassment aimed at the judges and lawyers critical of the government and the ruling party. These measures took the form of both formalised action carried out by the Ministry of Justice and a system of disciplinary measures against judges, as well as informal activities of government officials and judges and lawyers sympathetic to the ruling party. Examples of measures undertaken during this period include:
- Hostile rhetoric in public, including attempts to downplay the criticism aired by judges, baseless general criticism of judges (such as through trying to link them to the pre-1989 communist government or suggesting their complicity in criminal activities), attacks on judicial organisations (e.g., the NGOs Iustitia and Themis), and personal attacks (including on family and associates of judges)
- Legal measures specifically targeting judges critical of the government, such as the application of disciplinary measures (including suspensions from work and lifting of judicial immunity) carried out through the politicised Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court, which existed until 2022, as well as the so-called 2018 “muzzle law”, which made judges disciplinarily liable for the content of their judgements (including the application of EU law and issuing preliminary referrals to the CJEU) and forced them to disclose membership in NGOs and other organisations. Most elements of the “muzzle law” were repealed in 2022, following pressure from the European Union, but some remained, including the requirement to declare membership in organisations.
- Attempts at adopting general legislative measures, with an intent to dismiss an entire category of judges (such as through the attempt to lower the minimum retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court, ultimately vetoed by the President in 2017, following significant public protests)
One of the primary concerns regarding the politicisation and the lack of independence of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal is the process of appointing judges in the years 2015-2023. The then-ruling PiS party has been accused of manipulating the appointment process to stack the Tribunal with judges who are aligned with its political agenda. Such manipulations notably included appointing three judges in a manner that overwrote the appointments made by the previous parliament. The ECtHR found, in the judgment Xero Flor v Poland, that a panel featuring such a judge leads to a violation of a right to a fair trial, owing to the manner by which the judge was appointed.
Poland has introduced a series of legal reforms that have directly impacted the Constitutional Tribunal’s functioning. These reforms include changes to the Tribunal’s composition, the appointment of judges, and alterations to the rules governing its decision-making process. Critics argue that these reforms have eroded the Tribunal’s independence and compromised its ability to check government power. The behaviour of the Tribunal, in particular the timing of its judgments, in the ability to quickly schedule cases requested by politicians from the party whose majority appointed the judges, coupled with inaction in cases that would be politically infeasible for that party, all lead to the observation that the Tribunal had become overtly partisan and serves primarily the political interests of the PiS party.
The Constitutional Tribunal has made several controversial decisions that align with the government’s political interests. These decisions have led to concerns that the Tribunal was not making impartial and independent judgments but, rather, was serving as a tool for advancing the ruling party’s agenda. The lack of independence of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal has been a point of contention between Poland and the European Union. The EU institutions, including the European Commission and the European Parliament, have expressed concerns about the rule of law in Poland and its impact on the independence of the judiciary. Following an infringement procedure, the European Commission lodged a case against Poland in 2023 concerning the status and independence of the Constitutional Tribunal.
The lack of independence of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal has been a source of significant concern both within Poland and among European institutions, leading to conflicts and disputes with European courts, and particularly the CJEU.
With its judgment P 7/20 of 14 July 2021, the Polish Constitutional tribunal (CT) declared unconstitutional the CJEU’s interim measures, which ordered the halting of the activities of the Supreme Court’s Disciplinary Chamber. The Chamber’s independence had been questioned inter alia due to the flaws in the method of appointing its members. In September 2021, continued failure to comply with interim measures led to the application of financial sanctions by the European Commission. Poland still did not comply and continued using the Disciplinary Chamber to sanction judges for applying the EU law.
With its judgment K 3/21, acting on an application of the government, the Constitutional Tribunal sought to stop the application by Polish judges of EU requirements related to judicial independence. To accomplish this, the Tribunal invoked the Polish Constitution, which demands compliance with the same requirements as the CJEU in terms of judicial independence. Another flaw in the Tribunal’s reasoning was the misinterpretation of the division of competences between the EU and EU Member States and the room for maneuver the latter were left with as regards the organisation of judicial systems. The Constitutional Tribunal argued that the EU has no competence to dictate to governments on how to organise judiciaries and, hence, CJEU case law based on Article 19(1) of the European Law cannot be understood as allowing Polish courts to overrule domestic laws. This interpretation is hardly convincing. While the EU law does not impose a particular way of organising judiciaries (hence, the diversity), Article 19, as interpreted by the CJEU, obliges EU Member States to ensure that judges are independent and impartial, and the existing institutional arrangements should help secure this.
The Constitutional Tribunal challenged the authority of the ECtHR. In a 24 November 2021 judgment (Case K 6/21), the Tribunal ruled that the application of Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights to its proceedings is incompatible with the Polish Constitution. This judgment was a response to the recent judgment in Xero Flor v. Poland, in which the ECtHR found a violation of Article 6 due to the irregularities in the election of one of the judges of the Tribunal. With its response, the Tribunal sought to justify non-compliance with the ECtHR judgment, but while doing so, essentially admitted that it did not comply with the requirements of independence and impartiality under Article 6 of the Convention.
The judgment in the case K 7/21 concerns Prosecutor General Zbigniew Ziobro‘s second motion to the Constitutional Tribunal to examine whether the ECtHR’s interpretation is compatible with the Polish Constitution. This was in reaction to the judgment of the ECtHR in November 2021 in Dolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v Poland. In that judgment, the ECtHR ruled that the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs, which PiS had added to the Supreme Court, breached the right to an independent and impartial court established by law, protected by Article 6 (1) of the European Convention on Human Rights. In response to the judgments, the Council of Europe has initiated a procedure under Art 52 of the Convention in order to examine its implementation in light of the two abovementioned judgments of the Polish Constitutional Court. Following an exchange with the Polish government, the Secretary-General, in a report published on 9 November 2022, found that, as result of the judgments K 6/21 and K 7/21, the ensuing obligation of Poland to ensure the enjoyment of the right to a fair trial by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law to everyone under its jurisdiction had not been fulfilled. In December 2023, the Constitutional Tribunal issued another judgement, K 8/21, directly challenging EU law and decisions, finding in line with the request from the Prosecutor General that the financial penalties for non-compliance with CJEU interim orders, such as those imposed on Poland in cases C-204/21 Commission v Poland (concerning the Disciplinary Chamber and so-called “muzzle law”) and C-121/21 Czech Republic v Poland (concerning the Turów coal mine) are not compatible with the Polish Constitution.
The judiciary is understaffed, with the situation of law clerks who assist judges being particularly dire, as heavy workloads and low wages dissuade law graduates from pursuing this avenue of career advancement. The caseload leading to lengthy proceedings continues to be high, with systemic issues leading to substantial overburdening of the judiciary, as is the case currently with a country-wide wave of court cases regarding “Swiss franc” mortgage loans. Some improvements, such as remote participation in court hearings, have been introduced recently, but came more from a sudden spur of necessity warranted by the COVID-19 pandemic than from a systemic attempt to improve the Polish judiciary.
General advances in the digitalisation of public services and the increase in the use of electronic documentation made in Poland over the last two decades have been only limited in the area of judiciary. The digitalisation of case files and proceedings remains low; judges continue to work on physical files, which causes issues and delays even in mundane situations, such as when the files need to be transferred temporarily to another court. Several new measures, such as electronic delivery of correspondence between courts and lawyers, are to be introduced in 2024, yet overall the Polish courts remain overtly reliant on paper and are frequently held back by issues with postal delivery of letters.
Prosecution in Poland is highly hierarchical. The fact that the prosecutor general is also the Minister of Justice, a unity of offices that was reintroduced by the previous parliament, in 2016, leads to a high degree of influence by the executive on prosecutorial services. During the previous government, multiple instances of political influence on prosecution exercised in line with the government and the ruling coalition were observed, ranging from the hand-picking of prosecutors to lead various departments of the prosecution and handle individual cases to forced reassignments and demotions of prosecutors critical of the government. Towards end of the previous government’s tenure, in 2023, in an attempt to “entrench” the previous management of the prosecutor’s office a law was introduced that moved several competencies of the prosecutor general/minister of justice to their deputy, the national prosecutor, who cannot be dismissed without the approval of the president. In an ongoing development in January 2024, the prosecutor general declared the national prosecutor as improperly appointed, on the grounds of the incumbent Dariusz Barski being incorrectly recalled from retirement in order to take up the function.
Judges in Poland may be seconded to work in higher-level courts, the ministry of justice, or other positions that fall under the purview of the Ministry. This system has existed in Poland since communist times, and has garnered significant criticism over the years, owing to lack of transparency in such secondments, the possibility of their sudden termination, and the crossing of lines between the executive (Ministry of Justice) and the judiciary. The existing problems with secondments were exacerbated during the years 2015-2023, as multiple instances of secondments were seen as overtly political in nature and amounted to a de facto promotion of judges friendly to the ruling camp. These secondments were subject to a critical examination by CJEU, in its November 2021 judgment in the cases C-748/19 to C-754/19, where the Court found that EU law precludes Poland’s regime, which allows the minister of justice to second judges to higher criminal courts without clear criteria and justification for doing so, as well as to terminate their secondments without any explanation.
Positive Developments & Achievements
Judicial resistance to political pressure: Resistance by Polish judges has manifested itself in individual and collective efforts. The former have ranged from speaking out to the use of various legal/judicial mechanisms, including recourse the two European courts. The latter have taken the form of collective mobilisation, inter alia, through judicial associations, such as Iustitia (established in 1990) and Themis’(established in 2010). These associations consider themselves as the actual voice of Polish judges in the face of the complicity of the captured National Council of the Judiciary, and seek to give visibility to the issue of political attacks. They provide legal expertise and analysis on various “reforms”. Polish judges have also resisted through lodging cases with the ECtHR and CJEU concerning their individual status and general issues. The number of CJEU referrals by Polish judges is significantly higher than those by judges in Hungary, for example.
Judicial efforts have been supported by the efforts of the legal community and civil society both in Poland and abroad. The situation of Polish judges has garnered significant attention domestically, with a series of public demonstrations in 2017 and 2018 against the attempts to reform the Supreme Court and outspoken criticism by Polish civil society organisations against damage to the Polish judiciary. The 2020 Constitutional Tribunal judgment that led to making Poland’s law on abortion more restrictive triggered a massive public outcry, with hundreds of thousands of Poles demonstrating against a decision by an improperly composed politically motivated court. Foreign academia and NGOs have also been vocal against the attacks on the Polish judiciary, with the fate of judges suspended from work or otherwise harassed becoming an item of interest for judges abroad.
CJEU and ECtHR engagement with the crisis in Poland: The two European courts have stepped in to address the rule of law crisis. The ECtHR highlighted the irregularities in the appointment of the members of the Constitutional Court, as well as the lack of independence of judges of the Supreme Court who were appointed on the recommendations from the “new” National Council of the Judiciary. So far, 10 judgments involving various aspects of the rule of law crisis have been adopted. Currently, over 400 applications are pending. The ECtHR has applied interim measures in several cases as well. The CJEU has condemned various aspects of judicial reforms on multiple occasions, including lowering the retirement age for judges and the functioning of the now-defunct Disciplinary Chamber.
Signals of reform: Following the parliamentary elections in 2023, a new government, led by Prime Minister Donald Tusk, with Adam Bodnar, former Polish ombudsman, taking up the posts of minister of justice and prosecutor general, announced a determination to restore the rule of law in Poland and implement the judgments of the CJEU and ECtHR. The Parliament has issued a non-binding resolution finding the National Council of the Judiciary to lack independence, and several planned reforms were announced, with the first changes enacted including recalling several judges seconded to the Ministry of Justice and higher-level courts and an announcement of the minister of justice ceasing to publish new vacancies for promotion of judges, thus effectively removing a primary area of work of the National Council of the Judiciary. These moves prompted outspoken resistance from the National Council of the Judiciary, President Andrzej Duda, and judges seen as loyal to the previous government.
Rankings and Surveys
Expert Recommendations
Overall, concerning the recommendations in the 2022 Rule of Law Report, Poland has made:
- No progress on separating the function of the Minister of Justice from that of the Prosecutor-General and some progress on ensuring functional independence of the prosecution service from the Government
On this basis, and considering other developments that took place in the period of reference, and in addition to recalling the need to address the remaining serious concerns relating to judicial independence, in particular those set out in the Article 7 TEU procedure initiated by the Commission, as well as the obligation to comply with the rule of law related rulings of the ECJ and the rule of law related infringement procedures referred to in the country chapter, the commitments made under the National Recovery and Resilience Plan relating to certain aspects of the justice system and the checks and balances, and recalling the relevant country-specific recommendations under the European Semester, it is recommended to Poland to:
- Separate the function of the Minister of Justice from that of the Prosecutor-General and continue efforts to ensure functional independence of the prosecution service from the Government.
- Other solutions have to be found. In order to avoid further deepening of the crisis, the Venice Commission invites the Polish legislator to seriously consider the implementation of the main recommendations contained in the 2017 Opinion of the Venice Commission, namely:
- to return to the election of the 15 judicial members of the National Council of the Judiciary (the NCJ) not by Parliament but by their peers;
- to significantly revise the composition and internal structure of the two newly created “super-chambers”, and reduce their powers, in order to transform them into normal chambers of the Supreme Court;
- to return to the pre-2017 method of election of candidates to the position of the First President of the Supreme Court, or to develop a new model where each candidate proposed to the President of the Republic enjoys support of a significant part of the Supreme Court judges;
- to restore the powers of the judicial community in the questions of appointments, promotions, and dismissal of judges; to ensure that court presidents cannot be appointed and dismissed without the significant involvement of the judicial community.
Key recommendations
- The adoption of legislation fully implementing the “milestones” determined in the Recovery and Resilience Plan, as well as the CJEU’s judgement of 15 July 2021 (C-791/19), as regards the disciplinary regime for judges – in particular, by safeguarding that disciplinary cases are heard by an independent and impartial court established by law, exempting the content of judicial decisions from disciplinary liability and providing judges affected by the Disciplinary Chamber’s decisions with the possibility of having their cases reviewed by an independent court.
- The immediate cessation of the practice of using disciplinary proceedings or proceedings for the waiver of immunity, as well as suspensions or unjustified transfers of judges as repressive measures.
- The restoration of the National Council of the Judiciary in a form compatible with the Constitution, EU law and the ECHR – in particular, by guaranteeing that its judge-members are appointed by other judges, not politicians, so that in every procedure for judicial nominations that includes the participation of the NCJ, independence is safeguarded.
Compliance with European Courts' Judgements
Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU)
State Performance
1
Judgements with pending implementation
Selected on relevance to the judiciary / rule of law
Minister for Justice and Equality v LM
The High Court of Ireland, facing the question of whether a European Arrest Warrant may be executed on a request from Poland, referred the question to the CJEU of whether it must establish whether the person in question is at real risk of their right to a fair trial to being imperiled in Poland, or whether general deficiencies of the Polish judiciary are sufficient to refuse to execute such a warrant. The CJEU stated that the personalised test it developed in its earlier judgments on European Arrest Warrants must be applied to individual cases, and that a blanket finding of deficiencies in the rule of law in a country is insufficient to refuse to execute a warrant issued that a country.
C-216/18
25-07-2018
Commission v Poland
In another infringement case brought by the European Commission against Poland, the CJEU found that the Polish legislation lowering the mandatory retirement age for judges of the Supreme Court, which, in practice, would lead to the forced retirement of a significant number of judges sitting at the Court at the time, including its senior leadership, was contrary to EU law. The CJEU stated that such a measure was not justified by a legitimate objective and undermined the principle of the irremovability of judges, thus undermining their independence.
C-619/28
24-06-2019
A.K. v Krajowa Rada Sądownictwa and CP and DO v Sąd Najwyższy
These cases all concerned the newly established Disciplinary Chamber of the Polish Supreme Court, which was created to handle disciplinary proceedings against judges and lawyers, and quickly became a flashpoint in Poland’s rule-of-law crisis. Answering the referrals from Polish courts, the CJEU found that the referring court must ascertain whether the new Disciplinary Chamber of the Polish Supreme Court is independent, in order to determine whether that chamber has jurisdiction to rule on cases where judges of the Supreme Court have been forced to retire,d, or in order to determine whether such cases must be examined by another court which meets the requirement that courts must be independent.
joined cases C-585/18, C-624/18 & C-625/18
19-11-2019
A.B. and Others
Judging on a referral from the Polish Supreme Administrative Court, the CJEU examined the National Council of the Judiciary and its role in appointing the judges of the Supreme Court of Poland, finding that the procedure and the lack of effective judicial review of it could constitute a breach of EU law, in particular in a situation where the CJEU itself would be prevented from exercising its primary ruling competence.
C-824/18
02-03-2021
Commission v Poland
In an infringement case brought by the European Commission against Poland, the CJEU examined the Commission’s arguments that the Disciplinary Chamber of the Polish Supreme Court and the system of disciplinary liability of judges as formed in the recent reforms in the country are incompatible with EU law. The CJEU sided with the Commission, finding that, owing to the circumstances of its creation and the role of the National Council of the Judiciary, the Disciplinary Chamber is not independent and properly shielded from political influence. It also found that the disciplinary regime allowing judicial decisions and referrals to CJEU to be determined as disciplinary offences, as well as the lack of proper procedural safeguards in proceedings before the Disciplinary Chamber, to constitute violations of EU law. Implementation status: The Disciplinary Chamber has been disbanded and replaced with the Chamber of Professional Liability.
C-791/19
15-07-2021
W.Ż.
Ruling on a referral from a Polish judge who was transferred without his consent from one division within a Polish court to another division within the same court, the CJEU found that such transfers could amount to undermining the principle of the irremovability of a judge and their judicial independence. Furthermore, the CJEU examined the status of a judge sitting on the Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs Chamber of the Polish Supreme Court who examined the referring judge’s appeal against the decision, finding that the conditions surrounding the appointment of a judge could lead a domestic court to find that such a judge does not to constitute an independent and impartial tribunal established by law.
C-487/19
06-10-2021
Commission v Poland
In this case, the Commission brought Poland before the CJEU, claiming, once again, that Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court of Poland (defunct by the time of the final judgment) lacked independence and impartiality but, beyond this, also maintaining that the so-called “muzzle law”, a set of provisions severely limiting the freedom of judges to adjudicate, also constituted a breach of EU law. Over the course of the proceedings in this case, Poland was issued an interim order to suspend the activities of the Disciplinary Chamber and the “muzzle law”, which Poland refused to follow, leading to the Vice-President of the CJEU to order a daily penalty of 1 million EUR, later lowered to 500 thousand EUR. Poland refused to pay this amount, leading to the penalty ultimately being collected by the European Commission out of outstanding payments to Poland, with the figure reaching almost 556 million EUR. In its final judgment in the case, the CJEU stated that judicial independence cannot be disregarded by relaying on national law and constitutional provisions, a direct reference to earlier judgments of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal finding EU law not applicable to matters related to the Polish judiciary. The CJEU reiterated its earlier assessment of the Disciplinary Chamber, and found that the measures of the “muzzle law” that prevented a Polish judge from examining the status of other judges were incompatible with EU law, as they limited judicial independence. Implementation status: The Disciplinary Chamber has been disbanded and replaced with the Chamber of Professional Liability. Most elements of the “muzzle law” have been discarded, but some remain, including the requirement for judges to disclose their membership in associations.
C-204/21
05-06-2023
Notable comments
Notable pending cases
C-657/21 European Parliament v European Commission for the failure to enforce conditionality regulation against Hungary in Poland. The Parliament claims that the European Commission has failed to properly enforce EU values by refusing to trigger the rule of law conditionality regulation against Poland, despite the rule-of-law crisis in the country. C-448/23 Commission v Poland, concerning the condition and activities of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal, with the Commission claiming that the Tribunal is no longer an “independent tribunal established by law owing to its composition with irregularly elected judges and its President being in turn elected by such judges. T-532/22 The European Association of Judges, the Association of European Administrative Judges, Judges for Judges and MEDEL v Council, regarding the approval of “milestones” for Poland accessing the Recovery and Resilience Facility, EU covid-19 recovery fund, which cover reform of the judiciary and the rule of law.
European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR)
State Performance
Very serious problem
Implementation record
46
56 %
66
months
Judgements with pending implementation
Selected on relevance to the judiciary / rule of law
Xero Flor w Polsce sp. z o.o. v Poland
The ECtHR found that one of the judges of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal had been elected in an irregular manner (by means of effectively taking up a seat that ought to be filled by a judge elected by the previous parliament), and that doing so led to a violation of the right to a fair trial of the applicant, whose case was dismissed by the Tribunal with the judge in question presiding over the decision. Implementation status: Compensation was paid to the applicant, but there was no reform of the Constitutional Tribunal.
Application no. 4907/18
07-05-2021
Broda and Bojara v Poland
In Broda and Bojara v. Poland the Court emphasised that almost all the powers as regards termination of mandates of court presidents and vice presidents were concentrated in the hands of the Ministry of Justice, and that the applicants had not been heard or informed of the reasons for the ministerial decisions. It also ruled that there had been no review of those removal decisions by a body that was independent of the Ministry of Justice.
Applications no. 26691/18 and 27367/1
29-06-2021
Reczkowicz v Poland
The case concerned a Polish lawyer whose disciplinary case was heard in the second instance by the now-defunct Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court. The ECtHR found that the procedure for appointing judges to the Disciplinary Chamber, including the fact that the judges sitting there were appointed on the recommendation of the National Council of the Judiciary, had been unduly influenced by the legislative and executive powers. This amounted to a fundamental irregularity that adversely affected the whole process and compromised the legitimacy of the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court, which had examined the applicant’s case. The Disciplinary Chamber, therefore, was not a “tribunal established by law” within the meaning of the European Convention on Human Rights. Implementation status: Compensation was paid to the applicant, and the Disciplinary Chamber has been disbanded.
Application no.43447/19
22-07-2021
Dolińska – Ficek and Ozimek v Poland
In a case similar to Reczkowicz v Poland, the ECtHR examined another “new” Chamber of the Supreme Court, the Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs Chamber, which was also established ex nihilo and staffed with judges appointed on the recommendation of the National Council of the Judiciary, following its reform in 2018. The Court found that the procedure for appointing judges had been unduly influenced by the legislative and executive powers. This amounted to a fundamental irregularity that adversely affected the whole process, and compromised the legitimacy of the Chamber of Extraordinary Review and Public Affairs of the Supreme Court, which had examined the applicants’ cases. The Chamber of Extraordinary Review and Public Affairs, therefore, was not an “independent and impartial tribunal established by law” within the meaning of the European Convention. An additional manifest breach of domestic law was found in this judgment because, “in blatant defiance of the rule of law”, the president of Poland carried out judicial appointments despite a final court order staying the implementation of the National Council of the Judiciary’s resolution recommending judges to the Chamber of Extraordinary Review and Public Affairs. Implementation status: Compensation was paid to the applicant, but there was no reform of the Supreme Court chamber.
Applications nos. 49868/19 and 57511/19
08-11-2021
Advance Pharma v Poland
Another in the series of judgments concerning judicial appointments to the Supreme Court, in this case the ECtHR examined the situation of a private company that brought a case before the Civil Chamber of the Supreme Court, an “old” Chamber, featuring both judges appointed on the recommendation of the pre-2018 National Council of the Judiciary, and “new” judges, appointed following the reform of the Council. The applicant’s case was heard by the “new” judges of the Chamber and, in accord with its earlier findings in the Reczkowicz and Dolińska-Ficek and Ozimek case, the ECtHR found that the judges had been appointed in an irregular manner, owing to the condition of the National Council of the Judiciary and that the president had appointed these judges despite an order from the Supreme Administrative Court to withhold such appointments. Implementation status: Compensation was paid to the applicant, but there was no reform of the Supreme Court chamber.
Application no. 1469/20
03-02-2022
Juszczyszyn v Poland
The case concerned the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court’s disciplinary measures against a judge who had issued a court order for information on appointments of judges via the controversial “new” National Council of the Judiciary. The Court found that the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court was not an “independent and impartial tribunal established by law”. Concerning Juszczyszyn’s right to respect for private and family life, given that the Disciplinary Chamber could not be considered a “court” based on how it had been set up, the decision to suspend him had been unlawful. Furthermore, it was impossible for Juszczyszyn to foresee his actions leading to his suspension under the law. Lastly, the Court held that Juszczyszyn’s suspension had been for reasons other than those set out in Article 8. Specifically, he had been discouraged from examining the appointment procedure for judges, in violation of his rights. Implementation status: Compensation was out to the applicant, the Disciplinary Chamber has been disbanded.
Application no. 35599/20
06-10-2022
Grzęda v Poland,
Grzeda was one of the 15 judge members of the National Council of the Judiciary who had their mandates prematurely terminated in 2017, with the change in the method of electing judge members of the Council. The issue at hand was whether the applicant’s rights had been violated because he had not had any opportunity to challenge the termination of his mandate as a Council member. The judgement is notable for (a) its emphasis on the independence of judicial councils; (b) the extension of a procedural safeguard of the right of access to a court from judges to judge members of judicial councils, so that judges receive similar protection for their Council membership as for their adjudicatory role – the same safeguards applying in cases of dismissals of Council members as in cases of dismissals of judges; and (c) a broader denunciation of the Polish judicial reforms, weakening judicial independence, and stressing the need for adherence to rule of law standards. Implementation status: Compensation was paid to the applicant, but there was no reform of the National Council of the Judiciary.
Application No. 43572/18
15-03-2022
Żurek v Poland
The case concerned the premature termination of a judge’s mandate as a member of the National Council of the Judiciary and an alleged campaign to silence him. The applicant alleged, in particular, the absence of judicial or other procedures allowing him to contest the premature termination of his mandate. The ECtHR agreed with the applicant, finding that that there had been a violation of Article 6 § 1 (right of access to court) and Article 10 (freedom of expression) of the European Convention on Human Rights. Following the same reasoning as in the recent Grand Chamber case Grzęda v. Poland (no. 43572/18), the Court found that the lack of judicial review of the decision to remove Żurek from the National Council of the Judiciary had breached his right of access to a court. The Court also found that the accumulation of measures taken against Żurek – including his dismissal as spokesperson of a regional court, the audit of his financial declarations, and the inspection of his judicial work – had been aimed at intimidating him because of the views that he had expressed in defence of the rule of law and judicial independence. In finding these violations, the Court emphasised the overall context of successive judicial reforms, which had resulted in the weakening of judicial independence and what has widely been described as the “rule-of-law crisis” in Poland. Implementation status: Compensation was paid to the applicant, but there was no reform of the National Council of the Judiciary.
Application no. 39650/1
16-06-2022
Tuleya v Poland
The case originated in the new disciplinary regime for judges in Poland. The applicant, Igor Tuleya, a well-known judge, complained about five sets of preliminary inquiries initiated against him in 2018 on suspicion of disciplinary misconduct. Notably, he complained that one of those inquiries, concerning his alleged disclosure of sensitive information from an investigation file, had led to the lifting of his immunity from prosecution and suspension from his official duties for over two years by the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court. The criminal proceedings against Tuleya are apparently still ongoing, while none of the preliminary inquiries have led to disciplinary proceedings being brought against him. The Court held, as in one of its previous rulings (Reczkowicz v. Poland), that the Disciplinary Chamber – which had taken the decision to lift Tuleya’s immunity – was not an “independent and impartial tribunal established by law” for the purposes of the European Convention on Human Rights. It also concluded that there had been no lawful basis for the measures against Tuleya, which had to have had a significant impact on his right to private life, and could be characterised as a strategy aimed at intimidating (or even silencing) him for the views that he had expressed. The Court emphasised that Tuleya’s case had to be seen in its context, particularly that he was one of the most outspoken critics of the judicial reforms in Poland. Implementation status: Compensation was paid to the applicant, the Disciplinary Chamber has been disbanded.
Applications nos. 21181/19 and 51751/20
06-07-2023
Wałęsa v Poland (pilot judgment)
In this case, brought before ECtHR by former President of Poland and Nobel Peace Prize Winner Lech Wałęsa, whose earlier victory in a final judgment in a defamation case was overturned by the Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs Chamber of the Supreme Court, on an application by the prosecutor general under an “extraordinary review” procedure that allows the Supreme Court, through that particular chamber, to examine earlier final judgments and overturn them in cases of “gross violation of principles of justice”. The ECtHR found, once again, that the Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs Chamber had been appointed in a manner contrary to the standards of the European Convention on Human Rights. Additionally, it found that the extraordinary review procedure violated the principle of legal certainty, owing to the fact that it provides the possibility of overturning existing judgments and provides the prosecutor general with a far-ranging ability to challenge final decisions of courts, which, in this case, the ECtHR found to have been used with a political aim, as Wałęsa was an outspoken critic of the government. The reversal of the judgment was also found to infringe on the applicant’s private life. Applying the pilot-judgment procedure, the Court held that, in order to put an end to the systemic violations of the right to a fair trial identified in this and previous cases, Poland must take appropriate legislative and other measures to comply with the requirements of an “independent and impartial tribunal established by law” and with the principle of legal certainty. Implementation status: Pending.
Application no. 50849/21
23-11-2023
Notable comments
ECtHR Intermin measures and Poland
An important element of the ECtHR’s engagement with the Polish “rule of law crisis” is the imposition of interim measures under Rule 39 of the Rules of the Court. These measures have been applied at the request of applicants – judges that have been vocal about the judicial reforms and/or have been targeted with various measures, such as lifting of their immunity. They include: App. No. 6904/22, Wróbel v. Poland, 08.02.2022. The state has to ensure that no decision in respect to Wrobel’s immunity is to be taken by the Disciplinary Chamber until final determination of his complaints by the Court. App. No. 46453/21, 8687/22, 8076/22, 9988/22, Synakiewicz v. Poland, Niklas-Bibik v. Poland, Piekarska-Drążek v. Poland and Hetnarowicz-Sikora v. Poland, 24.03.2022. The Court decided to indicate to the Government of Poland that it should give it and the applicants 72 hours’ notice of the date of any hearing (rozprawa) or in camera session (posiedzenie) scheduled in the applicants’ cases before the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court. App. No. 15928/22, Głowacka v. Poland, 30.03.2022. The authorities should give the Court and the applicant 72 hours’ notice of the date of any hearing (rozprawa) or in camera session (posiedzenie) scheduled in her case before the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court. App. No. 18001/22, Stępka v. Poland, 14.04.2022. Measures similar to those indicated in Wrobel. App. No. 33082/22, Raczkowski v. Poland, 12.07.2022. The Court asked that the Polish Government ensure that the proceedings concerning the lifting of the judicial immunity of Raczkowski – a military judge – comply with the requirements of a fair trial as guaranteed by Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights, and that no decision be taken until the final determination of his complaints by the European Court. App. No. 39471/22 Leszczyńska-Furtak v. Poland, App. No. 39477/22, Gregajtys v. Poland and App. No. 44068/22, Piekarska-Drążek v. Poland. The Court indicated that Poland should suspend the effects of the decisions to transfer the applicants from the Criminal Division to the Labour and Social Security Division of the Warsaw Court of Appeal, and ensure that no decision to transfer the applicants to another division of the Warsaw Court of Appeal against their will is taken until the final determination by the courts of the applicants’ complaints.
Notable pending ECtHR cases
Sobczyńska and Others v. Poland (nos. 62765/14, 62769/14, 62772/14 and 11708/18) Applications communicated to the Polish Government on 14 May 2020. This case concerns the Polish president’s refusal to appoint the applicants to vacant judicial posts in various courts in Poland. The applicants argue that they met the legal conditions in force at the time, and complain about the administrative courts’ and the Constitutional Court’s refusal to examine their appeals, declining jurisdiction in that sphere. The Court gave notice of the applications to the Polish Government and put questions to the parties under Article 6 § 1 (right to a fair trial), Article 8 (right to respect for private and family life) and Article 13 (right to an effective remedy) of the Convention. Dudek v. Poland (application no. 41097/20), Szczepaniak v. Poland (no. 53778/20), Modzelewska v. Poland (no. 1412/21), Bojańczyk v. Poland (no. 8916/21), Ejsmont v. Poland (no. 26638/21), Prokopcow and Maciejko v. Poland (no. 31053/21), I.G. v. Poland (no. 42668/21), Piotrowicz v. Poland (no. 50702/21), Poremba v. Poland (no. 50708/21), Cholewiccy v. Poland (no. 60827/21), Arydium Sp. z o.o. v. Poland (no. 1210/22), Michalak v. Poland (no. 1510/22), and Półtorak-Libura and Libura v. Poland (no. 43211/21). These cases concern civil cases that were examined by formations of the Civil Chamber of the Supreme Court, including judges appointed by the National Council of the Judiciary, allegedly in breach of the right to an “independent and impartial tribunal established by law”. Burchard v. Poland (no. 1470/22) This case concerns disciplinary proceedings involving a lawyer that were conducted before the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court, a body which was allegedly not an “independent and impartial tribunal established by law”. Frąckowiak-Mitura v. Poland (no. 21998/21), Hetnarowicz-Sikora v. Poland (no. 22918/21), Odelski v. Poland (no. 24398/21), Zielonka v. Poland (no. 25545/21) These cases concern judges who unsuccessfully applied for vacant judicial posts at other courts and the appeals against the decisions by the National Council of the Judiciary were examined by the Chamber of Extraordinary Review and Public Affairs of the Supreme Court, which allegedly did not comply with the requirements of an “independent and impartial tribunal established by law”. Wójcik v. Poland (no. 11000/21) and Sokal v. Poland (no. 15656/20) These cases concern the alleged lack of judicial review of decisions by the National Council of the Judiciary not to allow Wojcik to continue in his role as a judge beyond the age of 65, and not to submit Sokal’s candidacy for a Supreme Court seat to the president of Poland.